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Relating to the Northern Alliance, they “agreed to make no main commitment at the moment.”Washington would first consider options for aiding other anti- Taliban groups.191 In the meantime, the administration would “initiate a comprehensive assessment of U.S. Military officers within the Joint Workers shared this concern.238 There is some dispute as to whether or not or not the Deputies Committee endorsed resuming reconnaissance flights at its April 30, 2001, meeting. Since Bin Don knew solely a little Arabic, he needed to rely closely on Bayoumi to translate for him.15 Mihdhar and Hazmi stated they have been college students from Saudi Arabia who had just arrived in the United States to check English.They mentioned they have been dwelling in an condominium near the restaurant however didn't specify the deal with.They did not like Los Angeles and have been having a hard time, particularly because they didn't know anyone.Bayoumi advised them how pleasant San Diego was and provided to assist them settle there.The two pairs then left the restaurant and went their separate ways.16 Bayoumi and Bin Don have been interviewed many occasions about the February 1, 2000, lunch. However,Thumairy undoubtedly met with and offered religious counseling to countless people throughout his tenure at the King Fahd mosque, so he might not remember two transients like Hazmi and Mihdhar a number of years later.Thirteen The circumstantial proof makes Thumairy a logical particular person to contemplate as a potential contact for Hazmi and Mihdhar.Yet, after exploring the out there leads, we haven't found evidence that Thumairy supplied assistance to the two operatives.14 We don't pick up their path until February 1, 2000, when they encountered Omar al Bayoumi and Caysan Bin Don at a halal meals restaurant on Venice Boulevard in Culver City, just a few blocks away from the King Fahd mosque.Bayoumi and Bin Don have both informed us that that they had pushed up from San Diego earlier that day so that Bayoumi may address a visa subject and acquire some papers from the Saudi consulate.

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When the Tesla rental period is over, you will then must return the car to the same pickup location. Rent a car Dubai at low-cost prices equipped directly by providers, with no commission or third-social gathering fees. Since you’re going to be spending so much in a day to rent out a luxury automotive, it’s important to ensure you’re getting your money’s value. Because I’m getting them all gradually, it’s quite a bit simpler to maintain track of in my head. Keeping track of a few of these cards might be frustrating for many, and when you start accumulating them, it may be very difficult to maintain them all straight in your head (and in your wallet). Yet one more benefit of credit cards! These types of credit playing cards are sometimes those which can be branded via airways (or Amtrak), and miles usually don’t correspond 1:1 with cents like factors do.South Asia.“For the federal government,” Hadley mentioned to us,“we moved it along as quick as we could move it along.”207 As all hope in transferring the Taliban pale, debate revived about giving covert assistance to the regime’s opponents. He doubted that the advantages would compensate for the time misplaced.The administration had in fact proceeded with Principals Committee meetings on subjects including Iraq and Sudan without prior contextual assessment, and Clarke favored moving ahead equally with a slender counterterrorism agenda.189 However the President’s senior advisers saw the al Qaeda drawback as a part of a puzzle that could not be assembled without filling in the pieces for Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Bin Ladin continued to be elusive.They felt, just as that they had for the previous two years, that hitting cheap and rudimentary training camps with expensive missiles would not do a lot good and would possibly even assist al Qaeda if the strikes failed to kill Bin Ladin.152 In late 2000, the CIA and the NSC staff began considering concerning the counterterrorism policy agenda they'd present to the new administration.The Counterterrorist Center put down its best ideas for the long run, assuming it was free of any prior policy or financial constraints.The paper was subsequently infor- 196 THE 9/eleven Commission REPORT mally referred to as the “Blue Sky” memo; it was sent to Clarke on December 29.The memo proposed • A significant effort to assist the Northern Alliance by intelligence sharing and elevated funding so that it could stave off the Taliban army and tie down al Qaeda fighters.This effort was not intended to remove the Taliban from energy, a goal that was judged impractical and too costly for the CIA alone to achieve. It was important to sound policymaking, she felt, that Clarke’s interagency committee-like all others-report to the principals by means f12 car rental dubai of the deputies.167 Rice made an initial decision to carry over each Clarke and his entire counterterrorism employees, a decision that she referred to as uncommon for a brand new administration.

Within the spring of 2000, Clarke brought in the CIA’s assistant director for assortment, Charles Allen, to work along with Fry on a joint CIA-Pentagon effort that Clarke dubbed “Afghan Eyes.”112 After a lot argument between the CIA and the Defense Department about who should pay for this system, the White House ultimately imposed a cost-sharing agreement.The CIA agreed to pay for Predator operations as a 60-day “proof of concept” trial run.113 The Small Group backed Afghan Eyes at the end of June 2000. By mid-July, testing was accomplished and the tools was prepared, however legal issues had been still being ironed out.114 By August 11, the principals had agreed to deploy the Predator.115 The NSC workers thought-about how to use the information the drones could be relaying from Afghanistan. Clarke urged Hadley to break up off all different issues in U.S.-Pakistani relations and simply focus on demanding that Pakistan move vigorously against terrorism-to push the Pakistanis to do before an al Qaeda attack what Washington would demand that they do after. Rice had requested University of Virginia history professor Philip Zelikow to advise her on the transition.165 Hadley and Zelikow asked Clarke and his deputy,Roger Cressey, for a particular briefing on the terrorist threat and how Clarke’s Transnational Threats Directorate and Counterterrorism Security Group functioned.166 Within the NSC during the primary Bush administration, many powerful issues had been addressed at the level of the Deputies Committee. President Bush advised 198 THE 9/eleven Fee REPORT us he asked Tenet whether or not the CIA may kill Bin Ladin, and Tenet replied that killing Bin Ladin would have an effect but would not end the risk. Such strikes could be acts of self-defense that would not violate the ban on assassinations in Government Order 12333.The big points-who would pay for what,who would authorize strikes,and who would pull the set off-have been left for the principals to settle.The Defense Division representatives did not take positions on these issues.244 The CIA’s McLaughlin had also been reticent.When Hadley circulated a memorandum making an attempt to prod the deputies to succeed in settlement,McLaughlin despatched it again with a handwritten comment on the associated fee-sharing:“we query whether or not it's advisable to make such an investment earlier than the decision is taken on flying an armed Predator.” For Clarke, this came close to being a ultimate straw. Nor was the memo discussed in the course of the transition with incoming prime Bush administration officials.Tenet and his deputy informed us they pressed these ideas as choices after the new team took office.154 Because the Clinton administration drew to a close, Clarke and his staff developed a policy paper of their very own, the first such complete effort for the reason that Delenda plan of 1998.The ensuing paper, entitled “Strategy for Eliminating the Risk from the Jihadist Networks of al Qida: Standing and Prospects,” reviewed the menace and the document so far, integrated the CIA’s new concepts from the Blue Sky memo, and posed a number of near-time period coverage choices.

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